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Voord 99

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About Voord 99

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    An undisclosed location not too far from Marinus.
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    Hapless interstellar conqueror. I’m really not very good at it.

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  1. I can see that, but, weirdly and perversely, it’s because it’s a game about knights that I like it. I’ve been playing with it through seven years of play now, and with my players, what it does is essentially ensure that they keep raising their Horsemanship to match their highest weapon skill. Which suits my image of knights, people who have been trained from a young age to be cavalry warriors and who can reliably perform difficult equestrian feats even under the stress and confusion of combat. You do have to go through the NPC knights and lower their Sword and raise their Horsemanship,
  2. Anno CDLXXXVI: Hoc anno Uterpendragon rex apud Sarisburiam curiam Paschalem tenere decrevit. Itaque Seriol dapifer Roderici comitis, quod Sadinal dapifer regis aegrotabat et ipse festum debitum ordinare debebat, Gerontium Godefridumque petiit salmonem quendam captare. Quem cum retulissent, anulus aureus in eo mirabiliter repertus est ab Uther rege. Sed in eodem festo in quo illud accidit, accidit quoque hoc mirabilius. Ille ensis, quem Merlinus in paludibus Avallonis adeptus erat, ab eo Uther regi datus est; quo viso, omnes praesentes mirifice stupefacti sunt. Postea Corneus dux d
  3. Just to add a bit on the vulnerability and the difference between Pendragon and D&D. HP in D&D can only really be conceptualized as some sort of abstraction of your chance of dying or the extent of narrative protection, or whatever. HP in Pendragon are called the same thing, but they have a much closer resemblance to being a mechanical representation of how tough your body actually is. You are never not vulnerable, even in armour. In Pendragon, at least at the start when damage reduction is capped at 19, you pretty much always *can* be vulnerable if your opponent criticals. E
  4. Yes, I think it would only be fair to tell the players. One of the problems with the GPC is that a fair bit of it, especially early on, consists of scripted events where the PKs can’t affect anything.* But in this particular case, they will all know that Arthur is going to have a decisive victory, so if they’ve stuck with fighting against him, it will probably not come as a surprise that it will end badly. *This is a problem with using the BoU, because it extends the period, so that 487 feels like 492. I just did a very short version of the Lindsey Embassy (in 486). Even as a brief co
  5. Saxons! p. 96: The Battle of Badon ends the Saxon campaign with the glorious deaths of its player characters. Their descendants will be oppressed for years to come, but may have the opportunity to join Arthur’s courts as knights. I think - in the perhaps unlikely event that the campaign gets to 518 with them still on the Saxon side - that’s more-or-less how you probably have to play it. Or a modified version. Any British knights who fight on the Saxon side at Badon die — the best they can hope for is to die at the hands of someone famous (no shortage of possibilities). However, A
  6. Honestly, it all sounds great to me, too. Tragic dilemmas like liege lord vs. family are exactly what I like about Pendragon. think a big question here is, what Passions are they famous for? This seems to me to be the sort of situation where the downside of having that Passion that you use for inspiration becomes relevant. Either way they go, it’s a story, and whichever tie they betray, that’s consequences for generations down the line. It may well be a good idea to adopt Morien’s advice of having Robert go with what the PKs want, to make siding with their parents and the Saxons a ch
  7. I think it’s not that much of a stretch in the GPC minus the BoU, as Merlin is fairly clearly the only reason why Uther is so generous, and in the GPC I don’t think that Uther has ever been shown going against Merlin’s advice up to that point. But once you bring in the BoU, it does get a bit difficult to reconcile with that Uther. As far as upsetting the other dukes, though, I think one can counterbalance that with the likelihood that the great lords in general are perhaps not entirely happy to see the king crack down on any one of them. Indeed, some of them may well have been discreet
  8. What I’m getting from this is that the downfall of the realm is ultimately all Sir James’s fault. 🙂
  9. Oh, not to worry. There’s a lot more interpretation going on in pretty much any translation than is apparent to the reader who isn’t comparing it systematically with the original. Evans was an interesting figure, a poet, painter, journalist, and barrister aside from his activity as a translator (from multiple languages) — one certainly can’t say that he was overspecialized. It’s not impossible that he was translating a bad text accurately, but I have to wonder if as an Englishman at the height of the British Empire he translated (perhaps unconsciously) in a way that minimized the possib
  10. Thank you — I assume that the Latin Reeve and Wright print for “then” is tunc? I’ve had time to sort out what the different versions in Hammer represent, although it’s clear that as an edition of the First Variant Version it’s got problems, and it’s been superseded. But anyway, it’s clear that tunc is the vulgate reading as well as the First Variant Version reading, and it looks from what Ringan says that Reeve and Wright confirm that tunc is the correct reading. Upshot: “at the end of this time” looks like it is either a moderately serious mistranslation — in which case, I’m curio
  11. Even more nitpicky observation: the Variant Version of Geoffrey edited by Hammer (the only Latin text available online, unfortunately) doesn’t say, “after this time” — it says “at that time, then” (tunc), which can mean “next,” but in this context would more probably mean that Arthur increased his household during the twelve years. (It is not precisely equivalent to English “then.”). “At last” (denique) in this version fairly clearly means “towards the end of the period of peace,” as it starts the narrative of how the peace comes to an end. (When I say, “in this version,” this bit is
  12. When I’m done with the reign of Uther, I’ll pull the canon bits together and revise them so they all actually are canon (I’ve moved some events around), and at that point I’ll provide a translation.
  13. Anno CDLXXXV: Uterpendragon rex suum exercitum direxit contra Australes Saxones. Sed postea nuntii venerunt, per quos cognovit quod multos Saxones a Frisia advenerant et terram Lucii ducis invadebant; a quibus milites Lucii miserrime victi sunt. Eo anno Gerontius Godefridusque, milites Sarisburienses, pugnabant cum nonnullis militibus Cilcestriae, qui in Aldintonam equitationem faciebant. Sed fortuna Gerontium Godefridumque victoria privavit, et non solum a militibus fugati sunt sed ensem Gerontii, quem a Gorlois duce ceperat, amiserunt. Deinde a Roderico comite ad Ulfium ducem mi
  14. Yes, 511 would be better than 501. If Meliodas is a famous knight by about 480 (as the Book of Uther implies) it’d mean that he was getting on a bit if one wanted to use the stuff from Palamedes. But who really cares that much about Meliodas? And a 511 birth of Tristan would suit a Meliodas who wasn’t famous in the reign of Uther but did have adventures when Tristan was a child, and the events described in Palamedes could be fitted into the GPC in the 510s.
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